04.01.2011

"Hegel" und das ungarische Mediengesetz

Aktualisiert, 15. 1. 2017,21:37 Uhr

Der inoffizielle Securitatemitarbeiter "Hegel" als "graue Eminenz" des umstrittenen ungarischen Mediengesetzes.  Einzelheiten in rumänischer Sprache:  HIER


Der internationale Appell zur Unterstützung der Pressefreiheit in Ungarn - Proclamation for a media law to ensure basic constitutional and civil rights
wurde von 5032  Personen unterzeichnet, aus: Ungarn, Rumänien, der Moldau, Dänemark, Kanada, Deutschland, der Slowakei, England, Slowenien, Österreich, Belgien, Italien, Frankreich, Australien, Schweden, Luxemburg, der Schweiz, Portugal, Mazedonien, Tschechien, Norwegen, Serbien, Irland, Holland, Israel, Chile, Zypern, Griechenland, Spanien, Argentinien, den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika und Peru. Die Liste kann hier eingesehen werden


Am 6. Januar machte Viktor Orbán im Streit um das Mediengesetz einen ersten verbalen Rückzieher. Der Premier erklärte, laut Deutschlandfunk: "Wir sind Teil der EU und akzeptieren die Regeln". Ungarn ist bereit, sein umstrittenes Mediengesetz zu ändern, sollte die Europäische Union dies fordern, sagte Orbán auf einer Pressekonferenz in Budapest. 
Im Dezember lehnte er jedwede Einmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten seines Landes ab und erklärte, seine Regierung reagiere nicht mit "zitternden Knien" auf die internationale Kritik. 

Laut Spiegel-online lenkte Orbán wohl ein, stellte aber gleichzeitig Bedingungen an die EU: "Änderungen könne es nur geben, wenn auch entsprechende Passagen in den Mediengesetzen anderer EU-Staaten geändert würden. Ungarn dürfe gegenüber anderen Mitgliedern nicht diskriminiert werden." Der stellvertretende Staatssekretär im ungarischen Außenministerium, Gergely Pröhle, sagte am 7. 1. im Deutschlandfunk, sollte es Beanstandungen hinsichtlich der Pressefreiheit geben, sei man zu Änderungen bereit.
"Ungarn geht einen Weg, der extrem gefährlich ist und von der Demokratie wegführt", eklärte hingegen der luxemburgische Außenminister Jean Asselborn in der "Welt" (7.1.). "Wenn das Schule macht, wird die Glaubwürdigkeit der Europäer gefährdet". Der Minister forderte zudem die "Durchsetzung der Pressefreiheit und der freien Meinungsäußerung". "Es ist offensichtlich, dass das ungarische Mediengesetz demokratische Grundregeln verletzt und insbesondere Artikel 11 der Charta der Grundrechte der Europäischen Union," sagte er der erwähnten Zeitung. "Die Presse muss die Regierungen kontrollieren und nicht die Regierungen die Presse," so Jean Asselborn.
Am 6. 1. fand in Budapest  die offizielle Übergabe der EU-Ratspräsidentschaft von Belgien an Ungarn statt.
Sollte sich herausstellen, dass sich die vorgebrachten Kritik-Punkte am Mediengesetz bewahrheiteten, müsse Abhilfe geschaffen werden, erklärte Orbán am 7. 1. nach einem Treffen mit EU-Kommissionspräsident José Manuel Barroso in Budapest. 


Ein weiterer Appell wurde am 7. Januar 2010 von mehreren ehemaligen osteuropäischen Bürgerrechtlern veröffentlicht und ins Internet gestellt: iprotest.hu


Hungary: Our common values must be secured by common laws 
Közös értékeinket védelmezzék közös törvények


Zu den Unterzeichnern gehören u.a. Attila Ara-Kovács, Stephan Bickhardt, Marianne Birthler, Martin Böttger, Martin Butora, György Dalos, Gábor Demszky, Christian Dietrich, Frank Ebert, Smaranda Enache, Árpád Göncz, Éva Cs. Gyimesi, Christian Halbrock, Miklós Haraszti, Katrin Hattenhauer, Václav Havel, Milan Horáček, Dorothea Höck, Péter Hunčik, Wojciech Kamiński, János Kenedi, György Konrád, Ferenc Kőszeg, Markus Meckel, Adam Michnik, Iván Pető, Andrei Pleşu, Gerd Poppe, László Rajk, Lutz Rathenow, István Rév, Tom Sello, Jiřina Šiklová, Wolfgang Templin, Petr Uhl, Reinhard Weißhuhn, Henryk Wujec. 
Den Aufruf haben auch mehrere Personen unterschrieben, die den ersten - oben zitierten - Internationalen Appell zur Unterstützung der Pressefreiheit in Ungarn - Proclamation for a media law to ensure basic constitutional and civil rights - mit ihrer Unterschrift unterstützt haben. 
Die Unterschriftenliste ist hier einsehbar. 

Weiterführender (externer) Link: 

Proteste internaționale împotriva noii legi a presei din Ungaria, RFE, 3. Januar 2011

Reconsiderarea critică, RFE, 5. Januar 2011
Viktor Orbáns Freund diffamiert die Juden, Tages-Anzeiger, 15. Januar 2011


Gernot Erler fordert Einschreiten gegen Ungarn - 6. August 2011
Der SPD-Außenpolitiker Erler hat eine schleichende Abschaffung des Rechtsstaats in Ungarn beklagt und der Bundesregierung ebenso wie der EU Untätigkeit vorgeworfen, meldet der Deutschlandfunk am 6.8.2011 unter Berufung auf ein dpa-Interview. Nach dem Umbau der Verfassung, der völligen Unterwerfung der Justiz und der faktischen Kontrolle der Regierung über die Medien sei Ungarn als Rechtsstaat nicht mehr erkennbar, sagte der stellvertretende Fraktionsvorsitzende im Bundestag der Deutschen Presse-Agentur. Wer zu dieser Entwicklung schweige, mache sich mitschuldig. Dies gelte auch für die CDU-Vorsitzende, Bundeskanzlerin Merkel. Schließlich gehöre Ungarns Regierungschef Orban im Europaparlament dem Parteienverbund an, zu dem auch die deutschen Christdemokraten zählten. Die USA prangerten die rechtsnationale Regierung in Ungarn dagegen an, schreibt die Märkische Allgemeine in ihrer Onlineausgabe vom 6.8., weil sie ihre Zweidrittelmehrheit missbrauche. Die ungarische Führung hatte angekündigt, rückwirkend Gesetze zu ändern, um frühere Ministerpräsidenten wegen der Staatsverschuldung vor Gericht stellen zu können.

"Von der Demokratie in die Diktatur", Pester Lloyd, 3.1.2012 
Offener Brief von Oppositionellen: 

Unterzeichner in alphabetischer Reihenfolge:
Attila Ara-Kovács, Journalist
György Dalos, Schriftsteller
Gábor Demszky, Ex-Oberbürgermeister von Budapest
Miklós Haraszti, früherer OSZE-Repräsentant für Medien und ehem. Abgeordneter
Róza Hodosán, frühere Abgeordnete
Gábor Iványi, Pfarrer, früherer Abgeordneter
János Kenedi, Historiker
György Konrád, Schriftsteller
Bálint Magyar, Ex-Minister für Bildung
Imre Mécs, früherer Abgeordneter
Sándor Radnóti, Philosoph
László Rajk, Architekt, früherer Abgeordneter
Sándor Szilágyi, Schriftsteller”

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The decline of democracy – the rise of dictatorship

The undersigned, participants of the erstwhile human rights and democracy movement that opposed the one-party communist regime in the 1970s and 1980s, believe that the Hungarian society is not only the victim of the current economic crisis, but also the victim of its own government. The present government has snatched the democratic political tools from the hands of those who could use these tools to ameliorate their predicament. While chanting empty patriotic slogans, the government behaves in a most unpatriotic way by reducing its citizens to inactivity and impotence.
The constitutional system of Hungary has also sunk into a critical situation. As of the 1st of January 2012, the new constitution of Hungary along with several fundamental laws came into force. Viktor Orbán’s government is intent on destroying the democratic rule of law, removing checks and balances, and pursuing a systematic policy of closing autonomous institutions, including those of civil society, with the potential to criticise its omnipotence. Never since the regime change of 1989 when communist dictatorship was crushed has there been such an intense concentration of power in the region as in present-day Hungary.
Institutions with the authority to hold government activity in check have met a similar fate: Fidesz continuously deprives such institutions of their autonomy, blackmails them for survival, discharges professional management, takes unlawful decisions and moulds these institutions so that they can no longer control and correct government activity but, in sharp contrast to their original function, they serve to augment unbridled autocracy. With the removal of the checks and balances, the whole state has become subservient to the government, or rather to the prime minister. The Parliament and the president obediently comply with the dictates of the cabinet. By having their staff radically reshuffled and implementing laws curtailing their competence, the Chief Prosecutor’s Office, the Court of Justice and the Constitution Court act as the lengthened arms of the government. While local councils have lost the better part of their clout, semi-autonomous institutions such as the Court of Auditors, the Hungarian Press Agency, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the National Cultural Fund may well be regarded today as quasi government agencies. Arbitration committees, including the now defunct National Conciliation Council, have been disbanded.

1. Legislative power
Fidesz created a system that put an end to genuine debates in and outside the Parliament, and by excluding stakeholders the Parliament became a virtual one-party powerhouse. It was stripped of even a semblance of lawful parliamentary protocol. By means of modifying house rules, Fidesz now has the exclusive right to turn any bill into law and make decisions about any issue concerning parliamentary protocol, thus rendering the existence of opposition parties a mere formality. Bills are rushed through legislation with no debate worthy of mention.

2. Executive power
Since a considerable proportion of proposals and amendments are submitted by individual members of Parliament who make no effort to seek consensus and often ignore relevant ministries, professional and accountable governance ceased to exist. This is a telling sign of the way power-sharing has become but a facade, with ministries and ministers having lost teeth. The president who is supposed to act independently of government and political parties, thereby being a living symbol of constitutional order, is a man who promptly signs any document pushed on his desk, and by disregarding the constitutional role bestowed on him, he is no more than a puppet of the executive power.

3. Jurisdiction
Numerous changes in legislation have been made that testify the direct political intentions to ignore democratic rules of law.
The Constitutional Court, the ultimate institution to safeguard legality, has been gradually turned into a weightless body. The number of judges has been increased with members known to be loyal to the ruling parties (including a former minister and a member of Parliament, both being Fidesz party members). The scope of the Court has been narrowed, partly by depriving it of arbitration on economic issues.
Established as part of the judiciary reform, the National Judiciary Office (NJO) is under direct political influence. Instead of being an independent professional body, the chairperson of NJO, who happens to be the wife of a Fidesz member of the European Parliament, has the exclusive right to appoint, delegate and promote judges, as well as to determine which court deals with which case. The chair of NJO has been elected for nine years by a two-third parliamentary majority, and short of a qualified majority in the future, the chair may remain in her post indefinitely.
While retirement age has been raised across the board, a sigificant proportion of leading judges has been forced into retirement. The judiciary has thus become existentially dependent.
The Chief Prosecutor, who has the exlusive right to decide which case may be forwarded to the Court of Justice and which court should hear it, is a politician of the ruling party.
In the future, suspects and the accused may be deprived of the opportunity to consult their solicitors.
This new system marks the end of independent jurisdiction in Hungary.

4. The media
Fidesz intends to place the entire media under its control and regulation, hindering any form of an impartial, analytical and critical judgment of its policy. With this in mind,
Originally destined to be an impartial forum, the public media has been forced to serve the goverment parties. Instead of professionalism, the only criterion for its continued existence is political loyalty.
News service has been centralised: the same news is broadcast in every channel.
Recently established and authorised with unprecedented power, the National Media and Telecommunication Agency, led by its chairman, a Fidesz loyalist, may exercise wide-ranging regulatory and sanctioning rights.
Radio frequencies and television broadcasting rights are conferred in an arbitrary fashion.
Independent press may be levied enormous fines, thus urging it to exercise self-censure. Destined to lose state-sponsored advertisers as well as private ones scared of retaliation, disobedient newspapers even run the risk of going bankrupt.

5. Election law
Democracy is posited on the condition that anyone may be voted out of office through peaceful measures. The new election law significantly restricts the opportunity to satisfy the will of citizens and realise a democratic change in the power structure. Instead of seeking consensus and a harmonisation of interests, Fidesz is intent on destroying rival political forces with the purpose of perpetuating its own power.
Motivated by political considerations, the new election law redrafted constituencies, thus creating a system which favours candidates of the ruling parties. Undeserving of constitutional democracies, no independent body has the right to veto the new distribution of constituencies.
Fidesz has taken the unprecedented step to ensure that all the votes from the compensatory list go to the winning party; ignoring the will of the electorate, this clause will distort the final outcome of the election.
The new single-round system will force the rivalling opposition parties into a coalition.
Fidesz does its best to criminalise its rivals: 21years after the regime change a new law has been passed in which the Hungarian Socialist Party, a democratic party of the Hungarian Parliament, has been deemed guilty as being the legal successor of the former communist party.
In Hungary, liberal democracy as interpreted in the West has come to an end, the autonomy of power centres has become a formality. The government is thoroughly antidemocratic by according no respect to the sanctity of private property, eliminating local councils, and pushing all channels of social mobility, public and higher education under its political control. It seems obvious that the aim of the present government is to overhaul the entire society and, with recourse to threats and blackmail, to create a country rendered incapable and cowardly to defy its dictatorial rule. Under such conditions, Hungary would have stood no chance in 2004 to join the European Union, the community of the Western democracies. Regretfully, Hungary can only expect further isolation, impoverishment and hopelessness in the future.
However, instead of searching for an alternative to replace this constitutional dictatorship, we had better consider ways in which we can get rid of it within the bounds of legality. The question is whether there is any chance at all to break out and reinstate the rule of law under the legal constraints imposed by Fidesz.
The advocates of democracy and the rule of law within and outside Hungary must not acquiesce in having the government of a member state of the European Union crush these universal values. Nor should the European Union just sit back and watch as it is being held hostage by an outdated, provincial tyrant. It is in the interest of both Hungary and the European Union to make a stand against the prime minister of Hungary. The leaders of the European Union are right in their decision to tighten intergration, but this step should be taken not only to combat the financial crisis but also to challenge political crises and risks. The European Union may disintegrate not only for economic reasons but for reasons of pursuing disparate and antidemocratic policies as well.
As we regard ourselves simultaneously as Hungarian and European citizens, we wish to avoid a clash of identities. We reject any political command that we give up our „dual citizenship”. If choose we need, our choice will be between the values of democracy and dictatorship – just as we did at the time of communist dictatorship. We are aware that the idea of a common Europe was born as an economic project, but this project is no more than wishful thinking unless its value system is accounted for and enforced, and lack thereof gets punished.
We are convinced that Hungary can become a country where the rule of law is reinstated. However, we must not forget that Fidesz, busy building a one-party dictatorship at an ever-growing speed, will never surrender unless compelled by the political representatives of Hungarian democrats, in compliance with the legal norms of democracy on which the European Union is founded.
The dictatorial rule has already reached a point of no return; under the present circumstances our country is unlikely to be able to find its way back to the rule of law. However, a debate along these lines is not timely when democratic forces are faced with the daunting task of uniting forces – in and outside the Parliament, with one another. We cannot afford the luxury of learning the lesson after a lost election.
Unity for the time being – and for a long time hence – implies obtaining mass support. The size of this support will determine the means available for the reinstatement of democracy and the rule of law. Beyond raising its voice against the economic adventurism pursued by Orbán, Europe and the whole world will offer help for Hungarian democracy only after unity has been achieved with mass support to back it up.
Europe is at a crossroads too. Hungary is a sad example of what may happen wherever there is a concentration of crisis tendencies, aggravated by attempts to resolve problems caused by an economic and social crisis with authoritarian means and a policy of nationalistic isolation. Instead of prosperity and stability, such a policy can only lead to suppression, conflict and turmoil. The desperate situation of present-day Hungary should be a warning for all of us: if Europe is prepared to help Hungary, it will also help itself.

Attila Ara-Kovács, journalist
György Dalos, writer
Gábor Demszky, former Mayor of Budapest
Miklós Haraszti, former OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, former MP
Róza Hodosán, former MP
Gábor Iványi, pastor, former MP
János Kenedi, historian
György Konrád, writer
Bálint Magyar, former Minister of Education
Imre Mécs, former MP
Sándor Radnóti, philosopher
László Rajk, architect, former MP
Sándor Szilágyi, writer on photography
***
Bild von Miklós Horthy in einer Kneipe von Miercurea Ciuc/Csikszerda , 6.10.2011 (hjs-online)

"Kommt Radio Free Europe nach Ungarn zurück?", Wiener Zeitung, 22.12.11
"Auferstehung der braunen Ungeheuer", die tageszeitung (taz), 11.1.2011
"Învierea monştrilor", 22, 11.1.2012
"Die machen, was sie wollen - solange es geht", ARD, 12.1.2012 - Interview mit Pusztaranger 
"Despre necesitatea transparenţei istorice", RFI, 12.1.2012





















***

28. Mai 2012


Die Asche des Faschisten


Diplomatische Spannungen zwischen Bukarest und Budapest, nachdem die rumänische Regierung die Umbettung des ungarischen Blut-und-Boden-Dichters József Nyírő (1889-1953) untersagt hatte

William Totok


Nyírő-Büste in Odorheiul Secuiesc
Die Haltung der rumänischen Regierung ist „barbarisch, unzivilisiert und unfreundlich“ erklärte am Pfingstsonntag der Vorsitzende des Budapester Parlaments László Köver am Rande einer kirchlichen Gedenkveranstaltung, die dem umstrittennen Dichter József Nyírő gewidmet war. Die rumänische Regierung hatte zuvor die vom ungarischen Parlament geplante Umbettung des völkischen Autors József Nyírő in der siebenbürgischen Stadt Odorheiul Secuiesc (ung. Szekelyudvarhély) mit dem Hinweis auf dessen faschistische Tätigkeit untersagt. Die Reaktion der rumänischen Regierung bezeichnete der rechtsgerichtete ungarische Parlamentspräsident als “hysterisch” und “paranoisch” und apellierte gleichzeitig an die Eltern der in Siebenbürgen ansässigen ungarischstämmigen so genannten Szekler, ihren Kindern “die Bücher von Nyírő in die Hände zu drücken“. In der Auffassung des zu weiteren patriotischen Rundumschlägen ausholenden Gründungsmitglieds der rechtskonservativen Regierungspartei FIDESZ wäre dies ein Beweis für die „Treue dem Ungarntum gegenüber“ und ein Bekenntnis zu dem Gedankengut des „Apostels der Szekler“. All dies wäre eine Garantie dafür, dass im Szeklerland „eine neue Generation von Nyírős” heranwachsen würde.
Kövér appellierte gleichzeitig an die Rumänen, den Verleumdungen, mit denen Nyírő in mehreren Stellungnahmen überschüttet wurde, keinen Glauben zu schenken.
József Nyírő (1889-1953)
József Nyírő, erklärt Radu Ioanid vom Holocaustmuseum in Washington, war Mitglied der ungarischen Faschistenpartei, den so genannten Pfeilkreuzlern, auf deren Konto die Deportation der ungarischen Juden in die Vernichtungslager geht. Nach dem von Hitler und Mussolini gefällten Wiener Schiedspruch von 1940, als Rumänien Nordsiebenbürgen an Ungarn abtreten musste, beteiligte sich Nyírő als Zeitungsredakteur, Autor und Politiker an rassistischen und antisemitischen Kampagnen.
Wass-Akte im CNSAS-Archiv (ACNSAS, P 1790491)
Seine literarischen Werke sind dem völkischen Schrifttum zuzurechnen. Aus diesem Grund wurde Nyírő ab 1941 auch zur Teilnahme an dem von den deutschen Nazis organisierten Weimarer Dichtertreffen eingeladen. An dieser Versammlung beteiligte sich die crème de la créme der nationalistischen und profaschistschen Schriftstellerelite aus zahlreichen europäischen Ländern.
Die Totenpfähle, 1944 (1. Aufl.1941)
József Nyírő und sein ebenfalls aus Siebenbürgen stammender Kollege Albert Wass (1908-1998), der sich nach 1944 durch Flucht in den Westen dem Todesurteil als Kriegsverbrecher entziehen konnte, gelten heute in Ungarn als vorbildliche Autoren. Deren vaterländischer, literarischer Politkitsch wurde nun in den Lehrplan aufgenommen. Eine zu einem Drama umgearbeitete Prosa von Nyírő soll demnächst im Budapester Ùj Színház (Neues Theater) inszeniert werden. Intendant des Neuen Theaters ist der rechtsradikale Schauspieler György Dörner.
Nyírő und Wass werden insbesondere von den Mitgliedern der rechtsextremistischen Jobbik-Partei gewürdigt. So erklärt sich auch die Anwesenheit des Jobbik-Vorsitzenden Gábor Vona an dem Requiem für den 1953 in Madrid verstorbenen Nyírő, das anstelle der feierlichen Umbettung seiner Asche in der “heimatlichen Erde” am Pfingstsonntag stattgefunden hatte.

Veröffentlicht auch in: Hagalil, 30.5. 2015 


Propagandavideo auf Youtube, 14. 10. 2010

***



Ansprache von Szőcs Géza, zuständig  für Kultur in der ungarischen Regierung, bei der Gedenkveranstaltung am Pfingstsonntag, gepostet auf Youtube, 27.5. 2012
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Übertragung der Gedenkzeremonie für Nyírő József, Duna TV, gepostet auf Youtube, 27.5. 2012
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Siehe auch: "Asche zu Asche und Faschist zu Ungarn", in: die tageszeitung (taz), 30.5.2012, S. 11; und in ungarischer Übersetzung in: Galamus Csoport, 31.5.2012

Über die Rehabilitierungsversuche des siebenbürgisch-ungarischen Kriegsverbrechers und Autors Albert Wass siehe:

William Totok: "Történelmi összefonódások. Szélsőjobboldaliság és revizionizmus Romániában",  BESZÉLŐ FOLYÓIRAT, 7–8. SZÁM, 2004, p. 42-56.

William Totok, "Gratwanderung zwischen historischer Vergangenheitsbewältigung und -verdrehung. Rechtsextremismus und Revisionismus in Rumänien" (IV), in: Halbjahresschrift für südosteuropäische Geschichte, Literatur und Politik, Heft 1, 2003, S. 44-64. 

William Totok, „Febra răsăriteană a reabilitărilor. Cazul Albert Wass”, în: Observator Cultural (184, 2003).

***
RFE, 6.6.2012


Aprecieri apologetice (1)


Autorii controversaţi, József Nyirő (1889-1953) şi Albert Wass (1908-1998) intră în programa şcolară din Ungaria.

Multimedia

Audio
MĂRIMEA TEXTULUI 

Încercarea de reînhumare a scriitorului maghiar József Nyirő cu ocazia Rusaliilor, la Odorheiul Secuiesc, a declanşat un val de polemici între Budapesta şi Bucureşti. Autorităţile române s-au opus ceremoniilor programate, invocînd faptul că în activitatea sa politică şi scriitoricească Nyirő a militat pentru impunerea unor idei fasciste şi antisemite, susţinînd regimul lui Miklós Horthy şi, din octombrie 1944, cel al lui Ferenc Szálasi, liderul extremiştilor, pronazişti din Partidul Crucilor cu Săgeți.

Opera literară şi publicistică a lui Nyirő, omagiat de către unii politicieni ai puterii naţional-populiste actuale de la Budapesta drept „Apostol al Secuilor“, a fost transformată treptat într-un adevărat obiect de cult al naţionaliştilor şi forţelor extremiste din Ungaria, care îşi bazează demersurile ideologice pe depăşirea „dictatului de la Trianon“. Adică restabilirea Ungariei Mari şi realipirea teritoriilor pierdute după primul război mondial.

De o apreciere apologetică similară se bucură şi Albert Wass, un conte originar şi el din Transilvania care, după cel de-a doilea război mondial, a fost condamnat la moarte, în contumacie, pentru crime de război.
Scrierile literare ale lui Nyirő şi Wass au fost reeditate în ultimii ani atît în Ungaria cît şi în România, iar pentru cinstirea memoriei lor au fost dezvelite busturi şi statui. În cadrul unor ceremonii cu
​​iz patriotic s-au organizat în Ardeal lecturi maraton publice, unele scrieri chiar au fost traduse în limba română, ca de pildă trilogia lui Wass „Lângă Scaunul Domnului“ (Editura Mentor, Tg. Mureş, 2000).

Titlul unei scrieri cu tendinţă revizionistă semnată de Wass - „Dati-mi inapoi muntii!“ – „Adjátok vissza a hegyeimet!“ - a devenit sloganul preferat al unor organizaţii extremiste de dreapta din Ungaria (cf. „Febra răsăriteană a reabilitărilor. Cazul Albert Wass, Observatorul Cultural (București), 183, 2003).

Odată cu intensificarea procesului de reabilitare a unor personalităţi istorice compromise, ca de pildă Horthy (căruia i s-au ridicat deja busturi, locuri publice au fost rebotezate, primind numele său), şi scrierile literare ale celor doi autori au fost supuse unei revizuiri mai degrabă ideologice decît estetice.

Orice analiză literară serioasă a scrierilor beletristice ale lui Albert Wass şi Jószef Nyirő nu va putea ignora faptul evident că ele sunt înrudite cu un curent cultivat şi în Germania nazistă, cunoscut sub denumirea „Blut-und-Boden-Dichtung“, adică literatura „sîngelui şi gliei“.
(Va urma)
RFE, 13.6.12

Aprecieri apologetice (2)

Autorii controversaţi, József Nyirő (1889-1953) şi Albert Wass (1908-1998) intră în programa şcolară din Ungaria.

Multimedia

Audio
MĂRIMEA TEXTULUI 

Temele tratate de Wass şi Nyirő sunt inspirate din tradiţii şi întîmplări locale, au la bază mituri autentice sau artifciale, exprimînd năzuinţele naţionale ale unei colectivităţi etnice în aşteptarea mîntuirii. Personajele sunt bîntuite de nostalgii de tip pseudoromantic sau acţionează în spiritul unui militantism belicos, izvorît din instinctele sîngelui unui neam umilit, dar legat de glia care trebuie eliberată.

Tocmai această ultimă trăsătură a literaturii „sîngelui şi gliei“ se poate depista într-o parabolă a lui Wass, publicată, în traducere germană, în septembrie 1942, în revista de propagandă culturală a guvernului
​​Ungariei, „Ungarn“ , intitulată: „Istoria lui János“. Ideea fixă a dispariţiei naţiunii şi a ţinutului idilic şi arhaic ardelean, agresat de industrializare şi modernizare, culminează în romanul lui Wass „Lângă Scaunul Domnului“ într-o adevărată apoteoză a neamului, întruchipat de personaje nobile, cu multiple valenţe simbolice.

József Nyirő evocă în cartea sa „Stîlpi de morminte“ („Kopjafák“, Cluj, 1924) istoria vieţii şi morţii unor
​​persoane, apelînd la sentimentele patriotice ale concetăţenilor săi secui, sugerîndu-le ideea necesităţii supravieţuirii etnice şi a opoziţiei faţă de un mediu ostil. Din ciclul de povestiri cuprinse în această carte nu lipsesc nici clişeele negative atribuite evreilor sau românilor.
Nu întîmplător cartea aceasta s-a bucurat şi de aprecierea birocraţiei culturale naziste. „Stîlpi de morminte“ a fost publicată în traducere germană, în două ediţii, în 1941 şi 1944, autorul ei fiind cooptat şi în „Asociaţia Scriitorilor Europeni“ (Europäische Schriftstellervereinigung, ESV), înfiinţată în 1941 la iniţiativa ministrului de propagandă, Joseph Goebbels.

(Unul din colegii de breaslă din România ai lui Nyirő în ESV fusese Ion Sân-Giorgiu, 1893-1950, care a fost ministru al educaţiei în guvernul legionr din exil al lui Horia Sima, creat cu sprijinul regimului nazist în toamna anului 1944, la Viena. Aceeaşi funcţie, de ministru al educaţiei a avut-o şi Nyirő în guvernul ungar din exil, format după prăbuşirea regimului fascist de la Budapesta, în primăvara anului 1945.)

Cu prilejul fondării Asociaţiei, din care făceau parte scriitori naţionalişti din 14 ţări europene, Goebbels a ţinut pe data de 11 octombrie 1941, în faţa celor prezenţi o cuvîntare impulsiv-incitantă, cerîndu-le intensificarea luptei pe tărîm literar contra: „evreilor, bolşevismului, plutocraţiei şi americanismului“. Singura datorie a scriitorului, a spus atunci Goebbels, este de a-şi pune literatura în serviciul unui singur scop: „cel de a sluji poporului“.
Faptul că József Nyirő şi Albert Wass au fost incluşi acum în programa şcolară în Ungaria a declanşat cîteva proteste la Budapesta. Decizia, însă, nu a fost anulată.
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Dorottya Karsay: Nem tetszik a rendszer





[Refrain: Nem tetszik, nem tetszik, nem tetszik  a rendzer - Das System gefällt mir nicht]

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Nationale Träume - Ungarns Abschied von Europa


ORF, 26. 9. 2012


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DopeMan



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RFI, 1.10. 2012


Quo vadis, Hungaria?

Ungaria Mare monument la Mosonmagyaróvár (Foto: William Totok)
Ungaria Mare monument la Mosonmagyaróvár (Foto: William Totok)
Corespondentul RFI la Berlin, William Totok
Ce s-a-ntîmplat cu fostul luptător pentru drepturi civice, Viktor Orbán, care s-a transformat într-un autocrat, poreclit "Puszta-Putin", care azi compară Uniunea Europeană cu defuncta Uniune Sovietică şi care îşi cimentează puterea prin măsuri care contravin codexului etic european? La aceste întrebări au încercat să răspundă publicista Andrea Morgenthaler şi politologul Paul Lendvai într-un amplu documentar difuzat miercurea trecută de televiziunea austriacă (ORF 2  sub titlul: "Vise naţionale - Ungaria: Adio de la Europa?“
Întrebări similare îşi pune şi revista „Osteuropa“ (nr. 12, 2011) care a dedicat chestiunii un număr special: „Quo vadis, Hungaria? Critica raţiunii ungare“. Printre colaboratri se află experţi, politologi, scriitori şi istorici. Unul dintre ei, care apare şi în filmul documentar este activistul civic, azi un critic al guvernului de la Budapesta, Rudolf Ungváry. El explică evoluţia politică negativă în direcţia unui etnocentrism militant reprezentat de către un regim cu un pronunţat caracter autocratic prin faptul că Ungaria nu a reuşit să depăşească stadiul pre-modern al istoriei sale. De la 1848 încoace, Ungaria a înregistrat numai eşecuri. Dezamăgirile populaţiei şi-au găsit o supapă în mituri naţionale şi în mistificări ale propriei istorii.
Astfel, proiecţiile colective asupra unui trecut glorios, practic inexistent, sunt instrumentalizate de către grupuri şi partide politice de dreapta şi extremă dreapta, cum ar fi de pildă, Jobbik. Schimbările intervenite după prăbuşirea comunismului nu au oferit populaţiei frustrate figuri democratice de identificare credibile. Tradiţionalismul belicos şi fixarea pe ideea superiorităţii faţă de alte naţiuni, pe care o garantează un stat puternic, generează intoleranţa faţă de minorităţi, xenofobie şi anti-semitism. Trauma tratatului de pace de la Trianon, din 1920, cînd Ungaria a pierdut o parte a teritoriului său, a devenit o prezenţă constantă în interpretarea istoriei, fiind folosită de extremişti pentru a apela la instincte naţionaliste. Inclusiv de grupuri muzicale, ca de exemplu Kárpátia (cu: Megemlékezés Trianonban), care militează alături de extremişti pentru refacerea Ungariei Mari.
Oprindu-se asupra tradiţiilor fatale în cultura memoriei ungare, istoricul Krisztián Ungváry sintetizează în revista „Osteuropa“ toate acele mituri fondatoare care alimentează motorul propagandei naţionalist-extremiste cu legende eroice actualizate cu idei revizioniste şi iredentiste pe gustul celor frustraţi şi nemulţumiţi. Două exemple semnificative ilustrează, în acest context, schimbarea unor legende în istorie: transformarea turanismului într-o ideologie a dreptei radicale şi folosirea unor simboluri istorice ca „pasărea Turul“ şi steagul lui Arpád în accesori ai anti-europenismului militant.
Potrivit legendelor istorice „pasărea Turul“ (o încrucişare între un vultur şi un şoim) ar fi însoţit triburile proto-ungare din stepele Asiei pînă-n cîmpia panonică. Turanismul este o ideologie care teoretizează originea comună a unor popoare ca finlandezii, turcii, mongolii şi ungurii. Potrivit acestei ideologii cu accente iredentiste, aceste popoare provin din acelaşi spaţiu geografic.
Turanismul contemporan promovat astăzi de extremiştii din Ungaria este un fenomen al megalomaniei politice prin care se urmăreşte refacerea Ungariei Mari şi reînvierea trecutului eroic prezentat ca model demn de urmat. În acest context se practică şi rescrierea sistematică a istoriei prin reabilitarea unor personaje compromise ca Miklós Horthy sau Albert Wass. Scriitorului maghiar din Transilvania, Albert Wass, condamnat în contumacie pentru crime de război, i-au fost ridicate în Ungaria 49 de monumente, scrie Krisztián Ungváry. Alături de un alt autor profascist, Jószef Nyirő, Wass este promovat ca un mare scriitor, devenind obiect de studiu pentru elevii de liceu din Ungaria.
În documentarul amintit, politologul Rudolf Ungváry deplînge lipsa unor grupări şi partide democratice, inclusiv de stînga care este divizată în urma dezastrului moral produs de fostul premier socialist Ferenc Gyurcsány. Cei care resping astăzi politicianismul iredentist, rasismul contra romilor şi anti-semitismul extremiştilor, se-mpotrivesc întregului sistem, ceea ce a exprimat cel mai bine cîntăreaţa Dorottya Karsay cu „Nem tetszik a rendszer“ - Nu-mi place rînduiala“  , cîntec devenit imnul neoficial al opoziţiei tinerilor din Ungaria.
Un articol de: William Totok



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Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Herta Müller über Ungarn: Nationalismus isoliert, Pusztaranger, 11. 11. 2012

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Aufruf zum Mord an "Zigeunern" - FIDESZ-Funktionär und Orbán-Freund Zsolt Bayer in der regierungsnahen Zeitung Magyar Hírlap vom 5.1. 2013 - siehe externe Links:

Fidesz-Hassprediger Zsolt Bayer: Roma sind Tiere

Orbán-Freund fordert “Endlösung” der “Zigeunerfrage” in Ungarn


"Un partid extremist la tribunal. Scoaterea în afara legii a NPD în Germania, promovarea unor personaje radicale de dreapta în ţări răsăritene: Ungaria, România, Croaţia", RFE, 2.3. 2016

[Zsolt Bayer] "Umstrittener Orbán-Freund. Ein Ritterkreuz für den Menschenfeind", in: Spiegel-online, 23. 8. 2016



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Naţionalismul de partid şi de stat din Ungaria, RFI, 28.1. 2013 

Fidesz, Jobbik, Albert Wass und die “Landnahme der Ratten”,  Pusztaranger, 7.6. 2013
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Comunicat de presă a Institutului Naţional pentru Studierea Holocaustului în România “Elie Wiesel” în legătură cu declaraţiile rasiste ale liderului Jobbik, Gábor Vona, 12 august 2013  


Presserklärung des Instituts für das Studium des Holocaust in Rumänien „Elie Wiesel“ zur rassistischen Hetzrede des ungarischen Jobbikführers, Gábor Vona, 12. August 2013 
William Totok, Ungarns Jobbik-Partei in Rumänien. Importiertes Naziproblem. Ungarische Rechtsradikale sind auch im Nachbarland aktiv. Gegen die Provokationen regt sich Widerstand – und Protest von Regierungsseite, in: die tageszeitung (taz-online), 12. 8. 2013.

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24. 11. 2013:  Neue ungarische Neonazipartei demonstriert gegen "Holocaustindustrie"

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26. 1. 2014: Begrüßenswerte Reaktion auf die Geschichtsfälschungen der ungarischen Orban-Regierung. US-Historiker Randolph L. Braham gibt ungarischen Verdienstorden zurück. 2004 gab Braham, der Mitglied in der internationalen Kommission zur Erforschung des rumänischen Holocaust war, auch den rumänischen Orden "Steaua României" zurück, nachdem mit dem selben Orden der großrumänische Berufsagitator Corneliu Vadim Tudor ausgezeichnet worden war.

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29.1. 2014: In Ungarn sind "die Zigeuner eine Art Zersetzungsprodukt". Und Superminister Zoltán Balog meint: Sozialisten sind “sogenannte” Ungarn. Weiter hier...

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9.4. 2014:   Erezia naţionalistă a comunismului românesc. 50 de ani de la publicarea aşa numitei „Declaraţii din Aprilie” şi un material inedit din arhivele Securităţii, privindu-l pe Gáll Ernő, RFE, 9 aprilie 2014 

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